Section 4: Research Findings
In this section, we shall discuss the main results of the field study, but before that, we shall briefly discuss the characteristics of the persons interviewed in order to better situate the results.
Characteristics of interviewees
The data in this study was from different persons with disabilities. The field work was based on interviews conducted with persons with disabilities9 in their daily environments. In fact, one hundred (100) interviews were conducted in three (03) different areas and ninety six (96) were used for the following analysis10. The interviews were recorded and stored in tapes. Immediately after the data collection, the team proceeded to transcribe the information and engage in further analysis.
- Note #9
- These consisted of all categories of persons with disabilities, except for mentally deranged persons. There were men, women, literates and illiterates. In short, this report will better analyse the facts.
- Return
- Note #10
- We did not take into account the data from four interviewees because the information they gave were not proper for the analysis in this study.
- Return
We must mention here that the areas the team used for the study-the Centre, Northwest and Western provinces - are a remarkable reflection of the diversities that exist amongst the ethnic homogeneous and heterogeneous groups, with different levels of education and lifestyle. Due to the difficulties to obtain a befitting sample reflecting the population of persons with disabilities, we were bound to use the utilitarian approach which consisted of assembling our interviewees while taking into account the diversity that exists within the population and the different forms of persons with disabilities in Cameroon with respect to the geographical environment, age and gender.
The teams mandated to conduct the interviews spent approximately 20 days in each chosen area and were able to interview the following number of interviewees:
- For the Centre province, Yaoundé, 48 persons with disabilities;
- For the Western province, Bafoussam, 35 persons with disabilities;
- For the North West province, Bamenda, 17 persons with disabilities.
The disparities noticed amongst the interviewees in the three sites: Yaoundé, Bafoussam and Bamenda, was due to the fact that the preparatory work for the study took place in Yaoundé. Furthermore, the majority of the persons used for the study resided in Yaoundé, composed mostly of students, including the Leading researcher of the project. Due to the examination constraints, these students were obliged to limit themselves to the town of Yaoundé and its surrounding localities. For this same reason, some were able to work in Bafoussam, which was nearer to Yaoundé, than Bamenda.
It is equally important to note that, Bamenda is essentially an Anglo-Saxon area and there were very few researchers who had a good mastery of the english language; thus, only a limited number of persons were qualified to be sent to this region, thus limiting the number of interviews. As previously mentioned, in our opinion, even if this research was conducted separately in the different sites, there will still be no fundamental changes to the results that were obtained.
The results presented below are based on the 96 interviews we validated from amongst the 100 that were conducted on adults with different forms of disabilities and living in the three different geographic areas.
Tables 1a, 1b and 1c summarize the demographic data of the surveyed population:
| Male | Female |
|---|---|
| 51 | 45 |
| Below 26 years | 26-40 years | 41-55 years | 56-70 years | Over 70 years |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 18 | 49 | 14 | 12 | 3 |
| Mobility Impaired | Blind | Deaf | Albino |
|---|---|---|---|
| 45 | 36 | 4 | 11 |
Given the absence of statistics concerning people with disabilities in Cameroon, and the small range of the sample used in this study; the approach of sampling by probability with respect to a given population was not applied. Instead, the research team considered purposeful sampling to be the most appropriate sampling strategy.
Based on the three demographic criteria described above - gender, age, and type of disability - the team used snowball sampling to recruit and select participants. Due to the weakness in the sampling which was not fully representative of certain categories of persons with disabilities on the field, the team faced difficulties in reaching the target population. However, the sample was quite balanced in terms of gender and geographic location although it brings out significant disparities in relation to age and the types of disabilities.
The majority of the respondents ranged between the ages 26 and below and from 26 to 40. These were mainly the mobility impaired, the blind and the dumb. Consequently, those over 41 years old as well as persons with intellectual, psychiatric, or other disabilities are sparsely or completely unrepresented in this sample.
This had some setbacks on the data analysis and affected the ability to make comparisons between groups, particularly across different types of disabilities. Despite this limitation, the data gathered through this research addressed firstly, issues of human rights in relation to persons with disabilities. It equally brings clarifications on certain aspects which we shall see as the work unfolds.
Data analysis
On the basis of the collected elements, the following analysis was made: difficulties encountered, abuse and violence, discrimination, limited access, positive life experience, access to human rights principles, respect for difference, responses to abuse and discrimination as well as the systematic causes of discrimination.
In comparison to the study that was carried in Kenya, the elements of analysis used in this study in Cameroon were very important.
A: Difficulties encountered
Generally, the analysis carried out shows that, the life of persons with disabilities in Cameroon is marked by acts of discrimination, prejudice and inequality.
Tables 2 to 4 summarize the different difficulties, derived from this research which results from the daily experiences of persons with disabilities in Cameroon. The results indicate that persons with disabilities face difficulties ranging from discriminatory attitudes, abuse and violence.
There is also the question of accessibility for people with disabilities in accessing certain services and facilities leading to cases of segregation and exclusion within the context of; the family, job side, at school and in the society in general where disability is often seen as a burden of shame.
B: Abuse and violence
Abuse and violence within the context of this study refers to situations of abuse and violence that the interviewee, living with a disability, or someone else with a disability known to the respondent, has experienced. Table 2 presents results on abuse and violence:
| Context of Abuse and Violence | Sources Coded11 | Percentages12 |
|---|---|---|
| Family | 4 | 4.2 |
| Public authorities | 1 | 1.0 |
| At School | 3 | 3.1 |
| In the community and in society at large | 17 | 17.7 |
| At work | 2 | 2.1 |
- Note #11
- Sources coded represent the number of interviewees who reported having experienced a particular barrier or violation of human rights.
- Return
- Note #12
- Percentages represent the proportion of interviewees who reporte having experienced a particular barrier or violation of human rights.
- Return
These results indicate that for the majority of persons with disabilities (approximately 18 %), situations of abuse and violence occurred in the community and society at large. The blind and persons with visual problems for instance, reported in this exercise how they were put to trial several times by individuals who had doubts about their optical problems. Here is an excerpt from one interviewee:
…Il y a un homme d'affaire de la place qui voulait nous aider. Le moment où il voulait me donner de l'argent, après ce qu'on m'a dit il déplaçait l'agent de gauche à droit. Peut-être pour voir si je suis effectivement aveugle.
[translation:.. There was a businessman that wanted to help us. The moment he went to give me money, an officer moved from left to right. Perhaps to see if I am actually/ effectively blind.]
Furthermore, interviewees reported, as seen below, that they are frequently being duped, either in relation to the quality of items they buy or the amount to be given to them, whenever they go shopping. This may be due to the fact that the society or community at large is aware of their blindness, and the fact that the blind cannot know whether or not they have been cheated.
…Parfois, quand je pars au marché pour acheter les marchandises, si je ne fais pas attention on me fait mal. Donc, je demande toujours qu'on me fasse toucher ce que j'achète pour que je sois sûr de ce que j'achète…
…Il y a un homme à qui j'ai donné de l'argent pour m'aider à acheter certaines choses pour mes besoins quotidiennes. Par exemple, ce qu'on vends à 200 Fcfa, il me dit que le prix s'est 500 Fcfa. Il ne m'a donc pas remboursé parce que l'argent était fini…
[translation: ... Sometimes, when I go shopping, if I don't pay attention someone will do me wrong. So I always ask if I can touch what I buy to be sure of what I am buying…
… There is a man whom I gave money to help me buy certain things for my daily needs. For example, what sells for 200 francs, he told me sells for 500. He didn't reimburse me because the money was finished..]
The mobility impaired persons reported that drivers of public service vehicles deliberately ignore them and treat them with contempt as evidenced in the statement below:
…I tried to board a cab, when the driver noticed that I will cause delay, he drove away suddenly…
Persons with disabilities also experienced situations of abuse and violence within their family. More than 4 % of the people with disabilities interviewed reported having experienced abuse and violence from their family members. They generally were oppressed by their mothers, stepmothers, husbands and siblings because they are considered to be different and not able to efficiently perform the duties that are assigned to them. In many cases their share of inheritance was taken away by their able bodied siblings, thereby leaving them to dwell in poverty. This explains the acute impoverishment amongst persons with disabilities which has reduced them to paupers in the streets where they are exposed to very difficult situations.
In their job sites, persons with disabilities were also exposed to numerous situations of violations of their rights, abuse and discrimination. More than 2 % of the respondents reported situations of abuse and violence on their job sites. Their salaries were not paid in full because the employers alleged that they had incurred extra expenses as a result of their presence in the enterprise or institution. The ill-treatment of persons with disabilities in their job sites was not linked to the quality of the services they produced. This research finding also indicated that many persons with disabilities were deprived of the right to an annual leave. An interviewee gave an example of the situation:
…Je suis secrétaire et je travaille comme secrétaire (après avoir faire la demande) à un collège de la place. Je ne me sens pas à l'aise ici au lieu du travail, parce que depuis que je travaille, il n'y a des congés pour moi. On ne m'a jamais donné l'assistance pour l'argent du taxi et l'augmentation de mon salaire, pourtant j'ai fais les demandes.
[translation: I am a secretary and after making a request I work at a college instead. I do not feel at ease here at work because since I work there's no holiday for me. No one has gives me help with money to take a taxi and augment my salary even if I request it.]
One respondent reported experiences of abuse and discrimination in their relationships with public authorities. This person reported how difficult it was for some one with a disability to meet an authority when faced with a problem. At times, persons with disability are either being sent away from the office, or they receive no reply to their files.
Persons with disabilities also reported situations of abuse and violence at school. More than 3 % of those interviewed reported that they underwent harsh treatment in learning institutions. This low percentage can be explained by the fact that children with disabilities are generally well treated by their mates who freely interact with them. Also, it could be because very few persons with disabilities are literate. In this light, the legislation of Cameroon has exempted persons with disabilities from paying school fees, so as to encourage them to go to school.
However, some have been subjected to serious abuse in certain educational grounds such as harsh insults and serious isolation. A student (albino) who could not see the blackboard well from the back of the classroom had his request to move to the front denied by his teacher.
There were reports from some blind students that some teachers did not take their conditions in consideration. Furthermore, in Cameroon, the blind persons still face problems of transcription during examinations.
In the field interviews, respondents also reported situations of abuse and discrimination experienced by other persons with disabilities they knew. These ill-treatments were experienced within the family, on the job sites, at school, and in society in general. In many families, they were neglected, hid and locked in rooms. They were not registered in schools nor taken to the hospital in case of illness. Sometimes, they were forbidden to receive visitors or to pay visits.
Many persons interviewed have revealed cases of physical and psychological maltreatments, with no help given to them.
C: Discriminatory attitudes
Discriminatory attitudes included negative impressions, clichés and attitudes that isolated and excluded persons with disabilities. Table 3 presents the results of the interviews related to discriminatory attitudes:
| Context of Discrimination | Sources Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| In the family | 9 | 9.4 |
| By public authorities | 7 | 7.3 |
| At school | 10 | 10.4 |
| In society | 28 | 29.2 |
| At work | 6 | 6.3 |
Results in table 3 show that more than 29 % of those interviewed had faced negative perceptions, including clichés which led to the isolation of and discrimination against persons with disabilities in their own communities and society at large. The prevailing negative social attitudes and perceptions of disability in the society reportedly affected the self-esteem of persons with disabilities. They faced poor treatment especially when they used public facilities such as transportation systems. This respondent complained how he was treated by other commuters in a public service vehicle:
…Un jour j'ai pris le taxi pour la maison. Etant dans le taxi les autres clients ont demandés au chauffeur pourquoi il a porté l'aveugle? Ils disaient que les aveugles perturbent beaucoup et que je vais perdre leur temps. Ils ont dis au chauffeur qu'ils vont descendre du taxi s'il me porte…
[translation: One day I took a bus to go home. Being in the bus with other customers, the bus driver was asked why he brought the blind along. They said the blind disturbed them greatly and I will waste their time. They said to the driver they are getting off the bus if it takes me.]
Basic needs of belonging and brotherly love are hard to fulfil because the community considers persons with disabilities as inferior beings. People feel ashamed to walk or be seen in the company of, or be friends with persons with disabilities as revealed below:
I attended a funeral three years ago and was sitting nearby someone, the person asked me to sit away from him…
Very often, people with disabilities are seen as a burden to society. In some communities in Cameroon, disability is seen as a curse. For superstitious persons, disability is hereditary and can be transmitted from parents to children. In other communities, people with disabilities are treated as second class citizens.
More than 9 % of persons living with a disability also faced acts of discrimination within their own families, often because they were not able to participate in family activities in the same way as others members. Many of the interviewees had been victims of oppression and negative remarks and attitudes from their family members that were overtly expressed through harsh words such as useless, hopeless, and good for nothing. As this man recounted:
…A cause du fait que je suis handicapée et ma femme handicapée, ma famille n'envoie plus les gens habiter avec nous. Ils disent que nous ne pouvons pas nous occuper des gens.
[translation: Due to the fact that I am disabled and my wife is handicapped, my family does not send more people to live with us. They say that we can't take care of people.]
Another man had this to say:
Il y avait une manifestation familiale. Je suis allée là-bas. Etant là-bas, on m'a donne une veille latte pour que je m'assoie à l'écarte et que je ne dois pas participer à la manifestation…
More than 6 % of those interviewed said they have faced discriminatory attitudes on their job sites. One of the respondents summarized this by saying:
...The most serious challenge we face at work is discrimination. Interactions become difficult since we are always seen as misfits. We face a lot of rejection…
...when we went to meet the government Delegate of the council of this constituency, to discuss about the future of people with disabilities. Knowing that we are visually impaired, he decided to communicate to another person that he is not ready to receive us. He knew that with our visual disability we could not see him, but we overheard him and detected his voice…
It must be noted that the majority of respondents in this study, complained of the long procedures taken to treat their complaints in public offices. Thus, they feel relatively set aside by the State. This worsens when the same complaint from a normal person is treated diligently by a public agent.
At school, at least 10 % of students with disabilities were often isolated and maltreated by their teachers and fellow students, as if they were less important or sub humans. Some teachers and students showed disrespect by wondering whether the disabled students were capable of doing things the right way or as well as non-disabled students.his is exacerbated with the blind and albinos, because their teachers do not take into consideration their conditions in the development of their programmes and sometimes they are completely ignored.
D: Limited access
Another type of barrier facing persons with disabilities, which emerged from this study, was the fact that persons with disabilities do not have the same facilities as every normal person. Results concerning access related barriers are presented in table 4 below.
| Type of barrier or obstacle | Source Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Communicating with others | 5 | 5.2 |
| Accessing education | 3 | 3.1 |
| Accessing public service and authorities | 1 | 1.0 |
| Accessing the physical environment (including transportation) | 6 | 6.3 |
| Accessing the job sector | 4 | 4.2 |
| Poverty | 5 | 5.2 |
Results show that poverty or economic deprivation constituted more than 5% of the problems faced by the respondents.
Results also indicate that access to education was a problem faced by more than 3% of the interviewed persons in this study. On the basis of disability, many people faced difficulties in getting admission into secondary schools and colleges of their choice.
A large proportion of people with disabilities have not been able to go to school because their parents thought it would be a waste of resources. In other cases, the family does not send their disabled children to school because of poverty. What's more, it is the responsibility of the academic institution that refuses to admit people with disabilities. The legislation on the issue of free school fees for persons with disabilities in place is not being implemented. In other instances; families could not afford the fees because they lived in abject poverty. The opportunity for a good education was also, often denied by the directors of the institutions when they realized that the student who applied for admission was a person with disability. The experience reported by this young man was shared by many others as well:
…Quand je voulais m'inscrire pour le niveau maîtrise, il était question de remplir les fiches et voire un enseignant pour qu'il écrive nos noms. Mon camarade (qui est aussi non voyant) et moi somme allés voire un de nos enseignant qui nous a enseigné depuis les niveaux 2 et 3. Il a carrément refusé d'écrire nos noms. Il nous a dit qu'il ne veut pas être gêné en classe parce que le cycle maîtrise est un cycle difficile et ça demande beaucoup de mobilité. Donc, avoir sur ses mains les non voyants, ça va lui créer des problèmes.
[translation: When I went to sign up for a higher level, the teacher refused to write down our names. My friend (who is also blind) and I went to our teacher who taught us since level 2 and 3. He refused to write our names. He said he does not want to be embarrassed in class because the cycle is difficult and demands a lot of mobility. So having him teach the blind is going to create problems.]
More than 4 % of the respondents also reported barriers and obstacles that impeded access to work. Employers often hold misconceptions believing that persons with disabilities would not perform their duties as efficiently as the rest of the staff and their movements will equally be slowed down. An interviewee asserted in these words:
After my computer training, I sought for a job in one organisation. We were short listed for interview. So, when we were for interview, I performed best. But, the employer told one he will have to employ second persons to clean up the surroundings, if he employs me, because of my disability. For this reason I wasn't employed because of my disability.
People who are deaf or blind or who have physical disabilities faced significant barriers in communication and transportation. Results indicated that at least 5 % of the respondents faced these kinds of barriers. Moreover, communication was a particularly constraint for blind persons. They reported that newspapers and other public documents do not exist in Braille. In this respect they feel deprived of information.
One respondent also reported facing barriers and obstacles from a sector that was supposed to assist them. Public service agents and the authorities did not always make the task easy for them.
The most significant obstacle that people with disabilities in Cameroon faced, however, is having access to the physical environment such as hospitals, public institutions and transportation. More than 6% of those interviewed indicated that accessing the physical environment was one of the major causes of the discrimination they faced in their daily lives. This is a particular problem to those with physical disabilities, and for people who are blind, having access to the transport system was a major problem which often caused late arrivals at their job sites or activities which they had to take part in.
Many public transport vehicle operators found it a waste of time to stop for the additional time necessary for a person with a disability to board the vehicle. Equally, accessing public facilities, such as offices (without lifts) has been a great problem for persons with physical disabilities and for blind persons. Stairs have frequently been reported to be the most difficult part of the task.
In most cases (more than 70%), the various types of barriers experienced by people with disabilities (whether discriminatory attitudes, negative perceptions, abuse and violence or limited access) were not unique instances; on the contrary, they tended to occur more than once throughout the lives of each respondent.
E: Positive life experiences
Despite the negative experiences recounted by the interviewees, they however were well treated in other circumstances. Such positive experiences have taken place in academic arenas, in the family, as well as in social and job contexts. Positive experiences were also reported in religious settings and in relationships with some public authorities. Results are presented in the table 5 below:
| Context of positive life experiences | Source Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| School | 12 | 12.5 |
| Family | 23 | 24.0 |
| With public authorities | 9 | 9.4 |
| In the community/society | 36 | 37.5 |
| Religious institutions | 3 | 3.1 |
| Work | 31 | 32.3 |
It can be deduced from table 5 that most positive experiences tend to take place within the community/society (37.5%), at work (32.3%), in the family (24.0%) and at school (12.5%). These positive experiences reported included positive or good interaction in the community, through the concern which is sometimes accorded to persons with disabilities as expressed in the statement below:
A l'hôpital, on m'accueille en préférence puisque dès que j'arrive on me montre là où je peux m'asseoir alors qu'il y'a des valides qui sont débout. Parfois je ne respecte pas le rang puisque quand j'arrive certains infirmiers me disent seulement que je vienne pour être servi.
[translation: At the hospital, sometimes I get preferential treatment when I arrive and someone gives me a seat even when other people without disabilities are standing. Sometimes I do not respect the ranking and when I arrive some nurses tell me only that I come to be served.]
Positive experience also involved receiving help and collaboration from colleagues in the workplace. For instance a man with a mobility impairment, working with the Ministry of Basic Education reported that:
J'ai une vie avec une satisfaction presque continuelle parce que je suis conscient de ce que j'ai et de ce que je n'ai pas. Ma satisfaction est donc d'ordre spirituel et moral. Depuis que je suis rentré au service de budget, j'ai trouvé des collaborateurs qui m'acceptent; parce que nous vivons une ambiance bonifiant.
[translation: I have a life with an almost continuous appreciation because I am aware of what I have and what I don't have. My satisfaction is therefore spiritual and moral. Since I returned to service budget I found people who accept me because we live in an enriched environment.]
It also included being fully involved in the decision-making activities within the family or being helped by school mates. It was reported that some school mates found pleasure and delight in reading what had been written on the blackboard, for their mates who were blind, and even carried the school bags of those with a mobility impairment.
A few interviewees also reported being treated positively in their relationships with public and religious authorities.
It was reported that some staff in the Social Affairs Ministry always treated persons with disabilities with a lot of attention. Some of them had even taken measures to sensitize their colleagues who were still lagging in order to change their attitudes towards persons with disabilities. In the religious setting, for instance, it was reported that a blind lady was designated to read the gospel scriptures (transcribed in Braille) during sermons in a church in Yaoundé (this was to enable their integration).
F: Access to human rights principles
One of the major goals of this study was to get a glimpse of the situation of human rights violations experienced by persons with disabilities in Cameroon. Rather than simply trying to identify the needs of such persons as earlier studies did, this study was commissioned/designed to monitor the extent to which persons with disabilities enjoyed their fundamental rights in Cameroon.
Although a few descriptions of positive experiences have been gathered in this study, interviewees overwhelmingly reported having encountered, throughout their lives, recurrent violations of their fundamental rights. Results on human rights violations towards persons with disabilities are presented in tables 6 to 10. Theses violations took place in different contexts: the family, at school, at work. and in community/society in general, as well as in relationships with public authorities and the government.
As discussed in the previous section, the barriers that persons with disabilities experienced in their daily lives included discriminatory attitudes, emotional and physical abuse and limited access in many diverse circumstances. These barriers have led to violations of the rights of persons living with disabilities.
In this study, we investigated how the barriers and obstacles faced by persons with disabilities affected their rights, by examining the four key human rights principles: dignity (perceptions of a person's worth), autonomy (ability to make choices and decisions on issues that affect one's own life), equality (having the respect for differences and handicaps and being able to participate fully on equal terms), and inclusion (being recognized and valued as equal participants). We also wanted to take into account the integral social and economic needs of others and we therefore tried to understand how these barriers affected the rights of people with disabilities. We also explored the perceptions of the interviewees regarding the ways in which disability is being treated and viewed in the Cameroonian society with respect to other 'social differences' (like those related to ethnicity and gender).
F.1: Dignity
As a human rights principle, dignity refers to the impact of particular life experiences on the individuals' perceptions of self-worth. Results are presented in table 6 below.
| Experiences with dignity | Sources Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Positive | 18 | 18.6 |
| Negative | 70 | 73.0 |
About 73% of persons with disabilities in this study reported to have negative life experiences as far as their dignity was concerned. According to them, this was mainly due to the fact that the community has a negative perception of persons with disabilities. They reported cases where they were being ignored, disrespected, or rejected by individuals or authorities. One student interviewed who is blind reported his experience as follows:
Au lycée Bilingue, j'étais candidat à la coopérative. J'avais les gens qui pouvaient bien me voter. Mais quelque temps après, ils se sont dis que, qu'est-ce qu'un aveugle peut faire à la coopératif comme président.
[translation: At the Bilingual college, I was a candidate at the co-operative. I had supporters, but after my ability to be president of the cooperative was questioned on the basis of my blindness.]
In the same light another respondent with mobility impairment reported:
I searched for a job and was granted an interview opportunity. I attended the interview and the employer noticed that I had a physical disability and things could therefore not work out the way I desired.
In some families, persons with disabilities are discouraged from marriage. One young woman, angry and discouraged, reported:
…Ma mère me dit souvent que je ne suis pas faite pour le mariage et que je ne serais pas utile à un homme. Quand il y a une opportunité on l'oriente toujours vers les autres filles de la famille.
[translation: My mother often told me that I'm not made for marriage and that I would not be useful to a man. When there's an opportunity for marriage it always gets directed towards other girls in the family.]
Some interviewees further pointed out the impact that traditional values and customs have on the treatment of persons with disability. Despite their qualifications and capabilities to be family heads, many have been denied this privilege just because of their disability:
…La tradition ne favorise pas l'handicapé, puisque étant handicapé on n'accepte pas facilement pour que nous soyons chef de la famille. C'est parce qu'on estime qu'il y a des choses que vous ne pouvez pas faire.
[translation: Tradition doesn't support people with disabilities since people don't easily accept that we could be the head of the household. It's assumed that there are things we cant make or do.]
Nevertheless, 19% of the interviewees in this study reported that, despite their disability, they have a certain degree of positive life experience with respect to the dignity of their persons. This percentage was reportedly free from negative treatments such as discrimination.
F.2: Autonomy
Autonomy as a human right principle means one has the ability to make choices and decisions on issues that affect one's own life (including choosing the forms of support for people with disabilities). Results are presented in table 7 below.
| Experience of Autonomy | Sources Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Lack of Autonomy | 20 | 20.8 |
| Self-Determination | 39 | 40.6 |
About 41% of respondents reported being able to exercise autonomy in their activities. They felt they were able to make every decision related to their lives despite their disability. Those who know their rights carried out actions to ensure their respect, especially in issues such as inheritance, access to school, to work and other necessary facilities. They struggled very hard in order to be listened to and to participate in activities in which they normally would have been involved. This respondent, who is a shoe-maker by profession, showed his self-determination in the following quotation:
I have been working hard to get money to buy more materials for my job. I was thinking to go to Italy to learn shoe making as to better improve on my services.
Another individual was proud that he successfully got married thanks to his own determination and sacrifice. He said:
J'ai risqué la mort et la prison pour elle puisque j'ai décide qu'elle est ma femme. Quand t-on prend décision de se marier à une femme, il faut aller avec un cœur pas avec deux cœur si non ça va te jouer. On s'est donc décidé que la femme soit enceinte avant qu'on le signal. C'est comme ça donc que s'est passé avant que je sois marié.
[translation: I have risked death and prison since I decided she was my wife. When one makes the decision to marry, it is necessary to go with your heart and not play games. Before getting married, her getting pregnant would be the signal.]
In this study approximately, 20.8% of persons with disabilities reported having been denied the right to make decisions on issues affecting their own lives. Others described how they were forced into taking actions against their own will. They had been judged incapable of deciding on their own because of their disability. The lack of autonomy was also experienced by many other persons with disabilities who were known to the respondents. Being dependent on others for daily living tasks, as blind people often reported they were, was seen as limiting the individual's ability to make decisions. Equally, the lack of autonomy and the inability to participate in some activities was due to obstacles of communication. As such, significant decisions affecting the life of a person with a disability were either made by a parent or another party who most often ignored or disagreed with their personal point of view.
The higher proportion of persons who are able to exercise autonomy over those who were denied the access to make decisions shows that people with disabilities in Cameroon are struggling for the respect of their rights and independence.
F.3: Equality
Equality as a human right principle implies having the respect for differences in terms of disability and being able to participate fully on equal terms in activities. Results of this are presented on table 8 below.
| Experience of Equality | Sources Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Equality | 11 | 11.5 |
| Inequality | 24 | 25.0 |
This result indicates that 25.0% of the respondents reported haven received unequal treatments in the family, community, at work, at school and by some public authorities. They claimed that, it was because some people think disability is synonymous to incapacity. Thus, an employer will rather employ someone with no disability than to employ a person with a disability, no matter his qualification and competence, as this man recounted:
From what he said, if he is employing me he has to employ another person to take care of the surrounding since as I won't be able to do so, due to my disability. But, he wants to employ one person who will work as a secretary and clean-up the surroundings.
Another respondent who has a disability reported how he had been treated unfairly in his family.:
…C'est parce que je suis l'aîné de la famille et je suis d'une famille assez diminué. Donc, quand j'ai perdu la vue, je me suis senti frustré puisque ma famille m'a d'abord rejeté que je ne suis plus utile à eux. Mais au fur et à mesure j'essai de vivre avec.
[translation: Because I am the eldest of the family and when I lost my sight I felt frustrated. My family rejected me because I was no longer useful to them. But I am trying to live with it.]
However, only, 12%, of respondents cited incidences in which they were respected for their diversity and/or disadvantage and considered themselves to participate in full equality. Some people were fairly treated by their families, employers, and teachers. A small proportion of interviewees claimed that they were allowed to participate in academic activities such as discussions in groups, games and dramas, without any discrimination. Some interviewees reported that their employers also cared for and treated them on an equal basis as the rest of the employees. Some even revealed that their employers financed their advanced professional trainings.
F. 4: Inclusion
Inclusion as a human right principle involves the capacity of being recognised and valued as an equal member in the society. It equally involves the total consideration of a person's social and economic needs. Table 9 below presents the results of the interviews with respect to inclusion.
| Experience of Inclusion | Sources Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Exclusion | 15 | 15.6 |
| Inclusion | 38 | 40.0 |
Results from table 9 indicate that about 16% of the respondents had experienced situations of segregation, isolation and lack of support for their needs on the basis of their disability. They reported being alienated by the community due to their disability. Many had been rejected and denied the opportunity to interact with others. Some of these respondents had even been abandoned by their friends, as seen below:
Il y a mon meilleur ami qu'on a fréquenté et vécu ensemble pendant 10 ans. Il m'a quitté quand j'ai perdu la vue. Les camarades ont fait la même chose. Quand il m'a quitté, ça m'a frustré. C'est pour cela que quand quelqu'un s'intéresse de moi, je me méfis.
[translation: There was my best friend and I living together for 10 years. He left me when I lost my sight. My friends have done the same thing. When he left, I got frustrated. This is why when someone is interested in me, I am suspicious.]
Conversely, 40% of the respondents reported incidences in which they were recognized and valued as equal parties and received special consideration and treatment. Some mentioned cases where they received help, as this interviewee indicates:
Yes I needed people to sensitise other. Fortunately, the medical officers here are doing their best to sensitise the public.
This sharp disparity in responses may suggest that the struggle by persons with disabilities for their rights and recognition is beginning to bear results in the Cameroonian society.
F. Respect for difference
Beyond the positive conclusions in the preceding paragraph, the pattern that emerges from the present study largely indicates that persons with disabilities in the Cameroonian society are treated differently. Their treatment is mixed.. Table 10 summarizes how disability is viewed in this country.
| Experience of respect for difference | Sources Coded | Percentage. |
|---|---|---|
| Disrespected and devalued | 45 | 47.0 |
| Labeled | 51 | 53.1 |
| Respected and valued | 18 | 19.0 |
Practically in every interview, one found examples of discrimination, abuse and violence that amounted to the violation of rights of persons with disabilities. Results indicate that persons with disabilities are often labelled on the grounds of their disability. More than 53% of the respondents recounted that, in one way or another; they were given negative nicknames based on their disability.
The labelling of persons with disabilities seemed to be a common practice in Cameroon. Disrespectful ways of addressing people with disabilities such as ‘gaingairou, bonblanc…’ (for Albinos);‘eboa, bend-bend foot, kotto…’ (for mobility impaired persons) were often reported. Blind persons were labelled with the names of famous blind musicians, for example, ‘Stephen Wander’.
This stigmatization is a serious violation of human dignity, since in Cameroon; these names are used with a lot of contempt. Persons with whom these nicknames are used are obstructed. They always felt deprived of dignity. Individually as well as collectively, persons with disabilities were relegated to the background of the society and treated as sub-human beings.
Results also indicate that 47% of the interviewees were disrespected and devalued in their activities and opinions. Most often, they feared giving their opinions concerning very important issues for fear of being attacked physically, psychologically and/or emotionally. At times when they are misunderstood when they solicit guiding, as this blind person attested:
Un jour j'étais à coté de SCORE13 et j'avais sollicité de l'aide d'une demoiselle pour me guide pour SCORE. Malheureusement pour moi, elle m'a dit qu'elle n'avait d'argent à me donner.
[translation: One day I was outside of SCORE and I had sought the help of a woman to guide me to SCORE. Unfortunately for me, she told me she didn't have any money to give me.]
- Note #13
- This is a big super market in Yaoundé.
- Return
Despite this proportion, 19% of the respondents reported cases of being respected, accepted, cared for and valued. But despite this proportion, situations of abuse and discrimination override memorable treatments of dignity and respect.
G: Responses to abuse and discrimination
After having faced repeated discrimination and abuse at times, interviewees responded in different ways. Some have chosen to distance themselves from the environment in which they had been exposed to discrimination in order to avoid further discrimination and abuse. Others have resisted by trying to change the situations and contexts in which they have experienced discrimination. Others have reported or engaged in legal action as presented in table 11 below.
| Response to Abuse and Discrimination | Source Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Distancing | 1 | 1.0 |
| Resistance | 8 | 8.3 |
| Reporting and legal action | 49 | 51.0 |
G.1: Distancing
Results in table 11 shows one person decided to distance himself from those situations and environments which caused them pain and suffering in the past. Due to the manner in which they had been treated in the past in such situations, they opted to stay away from such situations, avoiding future embarrassments.
G.2: Resistance
Results in table 11 above also indicate that some interviewees maintained contacts with places where they experienced such abuse in order to change the situation. More than 8 % remained calm but flexible, resistant to oppression by the struggle for respect of their rights rather than stay in situations of adversity and hostility. For example, we have the testimony of a man who was not respected by his family:
…J'ai dû m'imposer dans ma famille et imposer mon rang social dans ma communauté.
[translation: I myself in my family and my imposed social rank in my community.]
Contrarily, some interviewees decided to impose or invite themselves to places where they were unwelcome. The testimony of this young lady best relates the situation:
Une fois je suis allé à la radio pour présenter un journal. Il y avait quelqu'un qui ne connaissait pas qu'un non voyant peut lire. Il a demandé à ses collègues si je pouvais lire? Parce qu'il n'est pas décors pour que je présente le journal. Il se fâché et sortit même de la salle du journal. J'ai fini par présenter le journal.
G.3: Reporting /legal action
Results further indicate that a significant number of interviewees chose to report legal actions of abuse and discrimination. Approximately 51 % of those interviewed had attempted legal actions though most of their attempts were unsuccessful. However, there were some rare cases where public authorities took measures to solve their complaints.
H. Reasons for not reporting
Although discriminated against in many cases, most of the interviewees chose not to complain or file a complaint. Their reasons for not reporting are numerous, as seen in Table 12 below.
| Reason for not Reporting | Source Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Lack of access to complaint institutions | 3 | 3.1 |
| No anticipated results / nothing will change / no change is expected | 7 | 7.3 |
| Fear | 9 | 9.4 |
| Self-blame | 17 | 17.7 |
| Lack of financial means and resources | 1 | 1.0 |
H.1: Lack of access
Approximately 3.1 % of the interviewed persons stay silent in the face of discrimination and abuse they suffer due to lack of access to appropriate administrative and/or legal structures or lack of information about how to proceed to make a claim. They do not know how to access and cannot access existing places to register complaints at. This interviewee who spoke below confirmed that she did not know the appropriate administrative or legal structure to file a complaint:
…Je ne savais pas où aller me plaindre.
[translation: I did not know where to go with my complaint.]
Others affirmed that they could not engage legal actions due to the absence of efficient and befitting government institutions capable of managing such situations or requests.
H.2: No anticipated results / no change is expected.
Others went further to express their lack of confidence with the administration in place, seeing it as a fruitless endeavour and believing no concrete action would have been taken to solve their problem. Consequently, no result was expected.
More than 7 % of the respondents revealed that they did not report their experiences because they believed that nothing would have been done. Some felt that since the cause of discrimination against person with disabilities was due to people's attitudes, there was no need to complain and no action would be taken. Others believed that the solution to ensure the respect of the rights of persons with disabilities is only possible with the effective implementation of the law on the protection of the rights of persons with disabilities in Cameroon. On why this person did not report violations, they said it was
…parce que dans autres situations j'ai fais une plainte et ça n'a rien aboutit. Les choses sont toujours détournées.
[translation: Because in other situations I make a complaint and nothing succeeds. Things are always diverted.]
H.3: Fear
Results also indicated that more than 9 % of the respondents failed to report cases of abuse and discrimination because they feared the consequences of reporting. For that reason, they feared to generate further conflicts within the family, at their job sites and in their immediate social environments.
H.4: Self-censorship and Self-Blame
A substantial number of those interviewed took the blames on themselves. Approximately 18% of interviewees did not report abuses suffered because of feelings of shame and inferiority. Rather than attributing discrimination to social and economic circumstances, this group of respondents tended to think that the disability itself justified the oppression they experienced.
H.5: Lack of financial means
One respondent did not report situations of abuse and discrimination because of the lack of financial means as cited below:
Non, je n'ai pas porté plainte parce que je n'avais pas d'argent pour acheter le timbre pour ma plainte
[translation: no, because I don't have money to buy the stamp for my complaint]
It should however be noted that no respondent reported being unable to report cases of abuse and discrimination because of corruption.
I: Systemic roots of discrimination
Systemic causes of discrimination consist of the fundamental social, political and economic factors that incite abuse and discrimination against disabled people. Throughout the interviews, respondents reflected on their experiences and some commented on the broader social, economic and political factors and contexts that contributed or reinforced the discrimination that people with disabilities faced in Cameroon. Results of systemic roots of discrimination are presented in table 13 below.
| Variables | Source Coded | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Social | 43 | 44.8 |
| Economic | 2 | 2.1 |
| Legislative | 8 | 8.3 |
I.1: Social
Most of the time, acts of exclusion and discrimination against persons with disabilities were related to the manners in which social activities and relationships operate and are organized. About 45% of the interviewees reported abuse and discrimination from different social factors with numerous and varied examples throughout the course of the interviews. For instance, many interviewees had affirmed that had social roots, and originated from the deep and entrenched stereotypes prevailing in the Cameroonian society. In this society, disabled people were caricatured as burdens, useless, good for nothing, and cursed, and curses on their families. One man commented as follows:
…Les gens pensent qu'un handicapé doit toujours demander de l'argent, et qui ne réfléchit pas. On nous colle tous ce qui est péjorative.
[translation people think the disabled person always has to ask for money and is not reflective. One attaches all to us that is pejorative.
Another man said:
They had hardly understood the abilities of persons with disabilities. Furthermore, they question their investments in us.
People with disabilities were also frequently discriminated against by owners of public service vehicles. Again, the issue here was not a particular discriminatory attitude of an individual driver, but rather, it is a general problem of total indifference by public transit operators towards people with disabilities. It was clearly a systemic, rather than an individual issue.
In many other cases where people with disabilities were misdirected, abandoned by public service vehicles or even driven away from, the problem was generally connected to the impression of society towards them. The stereotype that persons with disabilities are beggars and poor has become so deeply entrenched that drivers assumed that disabled people would not pay for the services rendered to them, and so the public transport conductors would not carry such persons .
Discrimination within the family generally ties in with the context of poverty. The need for assistance in the daily activities of persons with disabilities is seen by most families as an unnecessary dependency and an added cost that brings no contribution to the economy of the family. In this context of extreme poverty, this is a situation which very few families were willing to endure. Again discrimination in this case seems to be related to negative social gaps that exist between persons with disabilities and their families rather than simply the attitudes of a member of a particular family.
I.2: Economic
Other acts of exclusion and discrimination against persons with disabilities can be related to the manner in which economic activities are organized and managed in the Cameroonian society. In fact, about 2% of the respondents felt that, the barriers they are exposed to were rooted in the economic system. In particular, certain respondents considered discrimination as a direct consequence of the abject poverty in which they were forced to live. This respondant best relates it:
…J'avais problème avec quelqu'un. Je suis allé me plaindre a la gendarmerie et on m'a demandé de repasser. Après quelques jours, je repars pour la brigade, on me demande les frais de descente de 50 000 Frs. ça ma décourager parce que je ne pouvait trouver les 50000 Frs...
[translation: I had a problem with someone. I went to complain to the police and they asked me to return. After a few days I report to the brigade and they ask for 50000 Frs in fees. I got discouraged because I can't find 50000 Frs.]
I. 3: Legislative
Discrimination against persons with disabilities also stems from the non implementation of laws or policies to protect their rights. In this case, disability was not the main cause of such attitude. Many people with disabilities were able to carry-out most of the tasks that were assigned to them. The problem therefore resided in the fact that society and its immediate environment refused to recognise disabled people's rights. A respondent observed:
….Je me suis dis que quelque part la machine gouvernementale n'est pas cohérente, puisque je ne vois pas comment le Chef de l'Etat peut décider de quelque chose et on refuse de l'obéir. Il y a des lois, mais personne ne les applique.
[translation; I told myself that the part of government machinery is not coherent, since I don't understand how the head of State can decide what things he wants to refuse to obey. There are laws but people don't apply them.]
From this study, it has been realised that, the government has not clearly formulated the laws and/or policies that guarantee the rights of persons with disabilities and their implementation has not received the attention it deserves. Government policy in general demands that persons concerned by a government regulation should be represented in the framing and decision making process.
On the other hand, certain laws or policies constitute an obstacle to the access by persons with disabilities to certain prestigious educational and professional institutions .In this respect, one student reported:
Non, il y a les textes pour l'entrée à l'École Normale Supérieur par exemple qui disent que les postulants ne doivent pas souffrir d'aucune défiance de la vue, etc.
[translation: ..There are texts for entering the school that say applicants should not suffer from any lack of vision]
J: Gender, ethnicity and class and disability
This study also explored respondents' perceptions about the way in which disability is viewed in the Cameroonian society relative to other ‘social differences', namely those related to class, ethnicity and gender. It further examined how respondents perceived the intersections of disability with class, ethnicity and gender, and their impact on discrimination.
J.1: Gender and disability
Respondents seemed to be divided with respect to their views about the ways in which gender and disability intersected to result in discrimination. About 48.0 % of interviewees answered this question, with a similar number of respondents in each gender. The majority of them, both women and men, think that gender has no impact on the discrimination faced by people with disabilities in Cameroon (although more men are of that opinion than women). In other words, according to these respondents, men and women are equally likely to be oppressed and experience exclusion and discrimination if they have a disability.
However, some have the opinion that gender has an effect on discrimination faced by people with disabilities in Cameroon. One of the male respondents reported that:
La femme handicapée subie plus de frustration qu'un homme handicapé. Donc dans ma situation, elle serait confrontée à des choses plus pire que moi
[translation: The disabled woman faces more frustrations than the disabled man. So in my situation she has already faced worse situations and things than me.]
A female respondent argued that the above statement is true in social interactions. She further argued that it is a surprise to come across a disabled woman who is married, a man with or without disability will always prefer a woman with no disability. She reported:
Oui, c'est le plus regrettable, puisque entre 85-95% de familles vont toujours refuser que leur frère ou fils épouse une femme handicapée. La famille aura toujours besoin d'une femme qui peut travailler.
[translation: Yes, it's very regrettable, since between 85-95% of families will always refuse that their brother or son marries or married a disabled woman. The family will still need a woman who can work.]
Nevertheless, one male respondent reported:
Women are treated more than fairly, and with a little more respect than men.
J.2: Ethnicity and disability
About 41 % of the interviewees offered comments on this topic. Here again, responses varied. While some considered ethnicity to influence disability, others disagreed. In general, however, despite the ethnicity of a disabled person, s/he is primarily treated according to her/his disability, as explained by one of the respondents:
…Je pense que les traitements reçues par les personnes handicapées est du au fait qu'elles sont handicapées. Donc, ça ne tient pas compte de l'ethnie de la personne.
[translation: I think that the salaries received by people with disabilities is because they are disabled. So it doesn't reflect the ethnicity of the person.]
J.3: Class and disability
In Cameroon, as in many other parts of the world, disability is often equated with poverty. About 44.0% of the interviewees believe that class (simply defined as being poor or rich) interacts with the situation of the disabled to expose or protect people with disabilities from abuse and discrimination. Their views were quite diverse. Nevertheless, some consensus seemed to exist around the idea that in a society where the standard of living is generally low, as in Cameroon, economic power is the most significant means of gaining social status, and protecting rights.
In short, being disabled and rich ensured access to basic human rights, while those who were disabled and poor (as are the majority of people with disabilities in this country) were pushed to the margins of society and suffered discrimination, oppression and persistent denial of their human rights and dignity.
Intersections (Comparative tables)
In addition to describing the meaning and content of the variables used in this study, this research has explored the relationships among variables14. This analysis focused on three attributes: age, gender and type of disability, and examined the relationships between these variables and the types of barriers respondents experienced as well as their access to and exercise of human rights principles. Where possible Chi Square tests were performed to test whether the group differences encountered were statistically significant.
- Note #14
- This analysis was done using the NVivo7 Matrix Coding Queries tool.
- Return
1: Barriers by attributes
1. A: Barriers by age group
Table 14 shows the relationships between types of barriers faced by interviewees according to their age group:
| Barrier Type | Under 40 years | Over 40 years | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| SC16 | R%17 | C % | SC | R% | C% | |
| All barriers | 87 (78.4 %) | 24 (21.6 %) | ||||
| Attitude | 46 | 73.0 | 52.9 | 17 | 26.9 | 70.8 |
| Abuse | 28 | 93.3 | 32.2 | 2 | 6.7 | 8.3 |
| Access | 13 | 7 72.2 | 14.9 | 5 | 27.8 | 20.8 |
- Note #15
- In the discussion of the barrier types matrices, the term INCIDENCES is used to represent the source coded under each category of barriers reported. This is because one respondent might have reported more than one incidence under a certain category of barriers. For example under the category of Discriminatory Attitude, one respondent might have quoted on sub-categories such as discrimination within a family context (ATTFAM) and at the same time quoted on discrimination at work (ATTWK), school (ATTSCHO) and society (ATTSOC). The same is applicable for Abuse and violence and Limited Access categories of the barriers. For standardization of the results, the study converted the results into percentages of the total incidences reported, in terms of rows and columns. Find results in the appendix.
- Return
- Note #16
- SC: Sources Coded
- Return
- Note #17
- R%: Row Percentages enable comparisons across groups (age, gender and type of disability) for any particular variable (whether types of barriers or their human rights implications).
- Return
Because a large proportion of our sample falls in the age group under 40 years, the highest incidence of discriminatory attitudes, abuse and access barriers were also found in this group. Given this large differential however, comparisons across age groups are meaningless and therefore our analysis will focus mainly on the distribution within each group.
In both groups, incidences most reported related to experiences of discriminatory attitudes. People with disabilities below the age of 40, however, reported a much higher incidence of abuse and violence than those 40 years old and over. while those above the age of 40 experienced more situations of limited access.
1. b: Barriers by gender
Table 15 compares the various types of barriers by the gender of the respondents
| Barrier Type | Males | Females | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| SC | R % | C % | SC | R% | C% | |
| All barriers | 58 (51%) | 56 (49%) | ||||
| Attitude | 33 | 51.6 | 56.9 | 32 | 49.2 | 57.1 |
| Abuse | 11 | 36.6 | 19.0 | 19 | 63.3 | 33.9 |
| Access | 14 | 73.7 | 24.1 | 5 | 26.3 | 8.9 |
Table 16 shows that male and female interviewees, generally, reported similar incidences of barriers. It is important, however, to examine how different types of barriers affected each gender.
The results indicate that a distinct pattern of barriers exists for males and females-males are more likely to suffer from discriminatory attitudes (more than 56%) than abuse (19%) and access barriers 24%). Females are more likely to report incidences of discriminatory attitudes (more than 57%) than abuse (at least 33%) and limited access (8%). However, incidences of abuse are reported by women almost twice as often as by men, suggesting that gender intersects with disability to produce this type of discrimination against women. Furthermore, a close examination of the reports gathered shows that abuse and violence of women with disabilities occurs mainly in the domestic sphere, at the hands of their parents, partners and siblings, as is commonly found in the general female population.
1. c: Barriers by type of disability
This section examines barriers faced by respondents according to the type of disability. Results are presented in table 16:
| Barrier Type | Visual impairment | Mobility | Albino | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| SC | R% | C% | SC | R % | C % | SC | R% | C% | |
| All barriers | 50 (45.5%) | 50 (45.5%) | 10 (9.1%) | ||||||
| Attitude | 33 | 53.2 | 66.0 | 24 | 38.7 | 48.0 | 5 | 8.1 | 50.0 |
| Abuse | 11 | 37.9 | 22.0 | 14 | 48.3 | 28.0 | 4 | 13.8 | 40.0 |
| Access | 6 | 31.6 | 12.0 | 12 | 63.2 | 24.0 | 1 | 5.3 | 10.0 |
A comparison of particular types of barriers faced by people with particular types of disabilities (row percentages) must be done with caution since the distribution of our sample was very uneven with respect to this attribute. In general, people with visual impairments and people with physical impairments reported similar rates of barriers, but albinos reported significantly less, mostly because they were also less numerous in our sample.
More interesting are comparisons within groups. All three groups seem to experience more discriminatory attitudes than any other kinds of barriers, but this difference is particularly strong among people who are blind and have low vision people. Albinos, on the other hand, also tend to report a high incidence of abuse (the highest among the three groups), which is likely to place them at a high risk for experiencing discrimination and violation of human rights.
2: Access to human rights principles by attributes
2. a: Access to human rights principles by age rank
Table 17 examines the relationship between access to human rights principles and the age rank of respondents:
| Human Rights Principle | Ages below 40 | Ages above 40 | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| SC | R% | C% | SC | R% | C% | |
| Autonomy | ||||||
| Lack autonomy | 16 | 84.2 | 6.4 | 3 | 15.8 | 7.0 |
| Self determination | 28 | 8.8 | 11.2 | 4 | 15.8 | 6.9 |
| Dignity | ||||||
| Being valued | 15 | 15 | 6.0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Being devalued | 48 | 84.2 | 19.2 | 9 | 15.8 | 20.9 |
| Equality | ||||||
| Equality | 8 | 88.9 | 3.2 | 1 | 11.1 | 2.3 |
| Inequality | 15 | 78.9 | 6.0 | 4 | 21.1 | 9.3 |
| Inclusion | ||||||
| Inclusion | 30 | 90.9 | 12.0 | 3 | 9.1 | 7.0 |
| Exclusion | 10 | 76.2 | 4.0 | 3 | 23.1 | 6.9 |
| Respect for Difference | ||||||
| Labelled | 36 | 80.0 | 14.4 | 9 | 20.0 | 20.9 |
| Respected | 15 | 88.2 | 6.0 | 2 | 11.8 | 4.6 |
| Disrespected | 29 | 85.3 | 11.6 | 5 | 14.7 | 11.6 |
In both groups considered, reports of incidences involving violation of basic human rights principles significantly outnumbered reports of access to and exercise of those same principles. In other words, what these results clearly indicate is that people with disabilities in Cameroon, regardless of their age are being treated with inequality and disrespect. They are excluded from mainstream society, and they are prevented from exercising autonomy and self-determination even on decisions that affect their own lives. Devalued in the eyes of society and sometimes even their family, their dignity as human beings is seriously violated.
2. b: Access to human rights principles by gender
This section looks at access to human rights principles by gender. Outcomes are presented in table 18.
Table 18
| Human Rights Principle | Males | Females | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| SC | R% | C% | SC | R% | C% | |
| Autonomy | ||||||
| Lack autonomy | 11 | 55.0 | 6.1 | 9 | 45.0 | 5.3 |
| Self determination | 22 | 56.6 | 12.1 | 17 | 43.6 | 10.1 |
| Dignitiy | ||||||
| Devalued | 36 | 51.4 | 19.8 | 34 | 48.6 | 20.2 |
| Valued/ Honoured | 8 | 44.4 | 4.4 | 10 | 55.5 | 5.9 |
| Equality | ||||||
| Equality | 2 | 18.2 | 1.1 | 9 | 37.5 | 5.3 |
| Inequality | 15 | 62.5 | 8.3 | 9 | 37.5 | 5.3 |
| Inclusion | ||||||
| Exclusion | 7 | 46.7 | 3.9 | 8 | 53.3 | 4.8 |
| Inclusion | 17 | 44.7 | 9.4 | 21 | 55.3 | 12.5 |
| Respect for Difference | ||||||
| Labelled | 28 | 54.9 | 15.5 | 23 | 45.1 | 13.7 |
| Respected | 10 | 55.5 | 5.5 | 8 | 44.4 | 4.8 |
| Disrespected | 25 | 55.5 | 13.8 | 20 | 44.4 | 11.9 |
Table 18 shows that access to and exercise of human rights principles is different for women and men. The results suggest that males with disabilities are more likely than females to report incidences of lack of access to basic human rights principles. However statistically significant differences were only found for reports of access to equality, where men more often than women report experiences of inequality (Chi Square of 5.931 for a p =.01). This difference may be related to the fact that gender norms and values prevailing in Cameroon assign greater power to males than to females. Consequently, more disabled male reported lack of access to that ‘authoritative’ role than females, who are in the general population too, socialized into more submissive roles.
2. c: Access to human rights principles by type of disability
Access to human rights principles according to disability types is presented in table 20.
| Variables | Visual impairment | Hearing impairment | Mobility impairment | Albino | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| SC | R % | C % | SC | R % | C % | SC | R % | C % | SC | R % | C % | |
| Autonomy | ||||||||||||
| Lack of autonomy | 7 | 36.8 | 5.6 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 9 | 47.4 | 21.4 | 3 | 15.9 | 7.1 |
| Self determination | 14 | 36.8 | 11.3 | 2 | 5.3 | 18.2 | 19 | 50.0 | 12.2 | 3 | 7.9 | 7.1 |
| Dignity | ||||||||||||
| Devalued | 32 | 46.4 | 25.8 | 2 | 2.9 | 18.2 | 31 | 44.9 | 19.9 | 4 | 5.8 | 9.5 |
| Valued | 5 | 27.8 | 4.0 | 1 | 5.5 | 9.1 | 7 | 38.9 | 4.5 | 5 | 27.8 | 11.9 |
| Equality | ||||||||||||
| Equality | 4 | 36.4 | 3.2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 63.6 | 4.5 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Inequality | 9 | 39.1 | 7.3 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 11 | 47.8 | 7.1 | 3 | 13.0 | 7.1 |
| Inclusion | ||||||||||||
| Exclusion | 6 | 24.9 | 4.8 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 7 | 50.0 | 4.5 | 6 | 16.2 | 14.3 |
| Inclusion | 14 | 37.8 | 11.3 | 2 | 5.4 | 18.2 | 15 | 40.5 | 9.6 | 1 | 7.1 | 0.6 |
| Respect for Difference | ||||||||||||
| Labelled | 16 | 32.0 | 12.9 | 3 | 6.0 | 27.3 | 22 | 44.0 | 14.1 | 9 | 18.0 | 21.4 |
| Respected | 7 | 38.9 | 5.6 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 8 | 44.4 | 5.1 | 3 | 16.7 | 7.1 |
| Disrespected | 19 | 42.2 | 15.3 | 1 | 2.2 | 9.1 | 20 | 44.4 | 12.8 | 5 | 11.1 | 11.9 |
Given the uneven distribution of our sample according to types of disability, comparisons across groups are limited. People with mobility impairment, being the most numerous group in our sample, are also the ones who show highest incidences across almost all variables.
Except for the principle of dignity, where a Chi Square of 8.24 was found for a p=.04 (indicating a difference in the pattern of response of albinos, vs. all the other groups) no statistically significant differences were found across disability groups in terms of access to fundamental human rights principles. Results show that in general incidences involving disrespect for difference, inequality and violation of dignity are more typical than experiences of access to and exercise of these human rights principles. (column percentages). Nevertheless, across all disabilities (except the albinos) interviewees also reported experiences of inclusion and self-determination more often than lack of access to these human rights principles. These apparently contradictory results certainly deserve further inquiry in the future.
Numerous reports of being labelled on the grounds of disability were found across all disability groups indicating that this disrespectful and oppressive practice prevails in the Cameroonian society. Incidences of unequal treatment, exclusion and violations of human dignity are also often reported.
Thus, this study led to major findings on disability. Recommendations are presented in the following section.